Threat to the Alaskan Wildlands – Ambler Roads

Threat to the Alaskan Wildlands – Ambler Roads

Editor’s note: The Ambler road is being planned in Alaska to connect the Dalton Highway with the Ambler Mining District. It will cross the Arctic National Park, state lands and native lands. The road in itself poses many threats to the wildlife which is described in the following piece. Many stakeholders are involved in this project, some of them support it and some of them oppose it. Proponents include the Congressional delegates from Alaska and native tribes who hope to benefit from the added jobs in their economy. Those who oppose it are the native groups whose subsistence hunting and gathering is threatened by the road and conservationists.

As George Wuerthner mentions in this piece, for a long time, the mining project was not feasible economically, and thus the area was protected from extraction. As we are extracting the last remaining fossil fuels, mining sites like these, which were too expensive in the past, become more necessary for the so called energy transition. We can expect this trend to grow in the future. As fossil fuels peak, there will be more and more extraction of these last remaining pockets of minerals. This mining prospect in Alaska is just another example of this.


By George Wuerthner/Counterpunch

While much conservation and political attention have focused on whether to allow oil development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, another project, the Ambler Mining Project, and road construction proposal may pose even greater threats to the Arctic’s wildlife and wildlands. Despite this threat, The Ambler project has thus far received far less attention from the media, politicians and conservation organizations.

The proposed 211-mile Ambler Road would connect the Dalton Highway (pipeline haul road) with the Ambler Mining District in the western Brooks Range. The ore belt that stretches for 200 miles contains copper, cobalt, lead, and zinc and could be one of the most valuable deposits in the world, especially as people turn to electric vehicles.

There is new interest in encouraging the US development of critical minerals and energy, and the Ambler Mining proposal benefits from this push for US sources of minerals.

Although these deposits have been well-known for decades, the cost of mining, smelting, and transportation has precluded development. (I knew about the ore deposits in the 1970s when I lived and worked along the Kobuk River).

Years ago, I taught a class on Alaskan Environmental Politics. I emphasized that Alaska has more oil, coal, minerals, and even forests than most other parts of the United States. Many of these resources remain undeveloped because of the harsh climate, remote locations, and lack of access.

There are, for instance, substantial forest resources in Southeast Alaska. Still, they cannot be cut and transported without government subsidies because it’s cheaper to log trees in Oregon or Washington.

The Prudhoe Bay oil fields were the world’s 10th most significant oil reserves, and the other nine were in the Middle East. The Prudhoe Bay oil fields would have remained undeveloped had it not been for the construction of the Alaskan Oil Pipeline, which made these oil reserves economic to develop.

The Ambler Mineral deposits are considered “world-class.” Getting a road to the Ambler Deposits is the first step in making mining operations profitable. The Bureau of Land Managment (BLM) and the Corps of Engineers under the Trump Administration approved the road plan in 2020, and officials agreed to issue a 50-year right-of-way for the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority, the state public corporation working to develop the project.

However, the Biden Administration halted the road project while a Supplemental EIS process mandated by the courts was completed. However, my sources in Alaska suggest this may be for show. The comment period ended on November 4th, and the BLM review will likely be published sometime in the new year.

If you want to understand politics, all you have to do is follow the money.

The mining claims are owned mainly by local Iñupiat people living in NW Alaska coast and inland along the Kobuk River, represented by NANA corporation. They also operate the Red Dog Zinc mine, one of Alaska’s most significant mining and polluted sites.

During the land selection process created by the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA), native people targeted the lands with valuable known mineralization or fossil fuel resources.

In the case of the Ambler mines, NANA shareholders are likely to be employed during road construction and mining operations.

One study estimates that 20% of all construction jobs will be held by local villagers, providing significant money input into these rural villages. NANA corporate leaders likely believe they are working in the best interests of their constituency.

In addition to NANA and some residents who would benefit from jobs and royalty payments, the road is also supported by the state of Alaska. The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority (AIDEA) would own Ambler Road.

Alaska’s Congressional Delegation, including newly elected half-Native Democrat Mary Peltrola and Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski, support the road and mining proposal. Peltrola has also joined her Republican counterparts in the Senate to support oil development in the Naval Petroleum Reserve.

The road, if built, would likely lead to road sprawl and the expansion of development in the region, including perhaps oil development in the Naval Petroleum Reserve to the north of the Brooks Range.

Although the supporters point out that the road would be a private road only accessible to industrial use, opponents point out that the same claim was made about the Pipeline Haul Road. However, in 1994 the state opened the Pipeline Road (Dalton Highway) for unrestricted, public use.

Opposition to the road comes from Tanana Chiefs and other Athabascan Indians living along the Koyukuk River and tributaries. The Athabascan would gain no advantage to a road except perhaps for more accessible and cheaper shipment of supplies. But they fear the road would disrupt subsistence hunting and gathering.

The Athabascans are not necessarily opposed to mining or oil development themselves. Doyon Native Corporation, which represents the Athabascan people of the Yukon Basin, during the land selection process of the Alaskan Native Claims Settlement Act has specifically targeted mineralized lands. Today, they have several active mining operations. However, Doyon has neither endorsed or opposed the Ambler Road and mining projects.

Doyon also has ongoing oil and gas development.

However, Doyon has proposed alternative road access to the Ambler district from Nome.

So, in essence, the road is pitting one ethnic native group against another.

In addition to opposition from some native people, many conservationists also oppose the road. The Ambler Road, if built, would cross the Gates of the Arctic National Park and Preserve and numerous other protected areas like the Kobuk Wild and Scenic Rivers.

The National Park Service did an excellent review of the potential impacts of the road on wetlands, water quality, fish, wildlife, subsistence, and recreational impacts on the park that applies to the total road mileage.

Conservationists and native people opposed to the mine have produced a good video about how the road would impact the Arctic:

An environmental review by the BLM in 2020 found that the road would impact salmon, caribou, and other wildlife.

Roads can be semi-permeable barriers, and although crossing such obstacles is possible, caribou may shift or entirely abandon their seasonal habitat. The disturbance and activity along the road and mining operations are likely to affect caribou in other ways. Studies have shown that caribou may travel up to 9.3 miles to avoid roads and 11.2 miles to avoid settlements.

Thousands of caribou like this one traditionally cross the Kobuk River near Onion Portage in the fall. Accessibility statement: Single caribou looks directly at the camera surrounded by red shrubs, with river and forest in background.

The Western Arctic caribou herd is already in steep decline.

For instance, a study of the Native-owned Red Dog Mine Industrial Access road north of Kotzebue found that just four vehicles an hour affected the migration of 30% of collared caribou, or approximately 72,000 individuals of the 2017 population estimates.

Linear features like roads also are used by predators like wolves. This can increase predator influence on prey like caribou. Roads and seismic lines in Alberta have led to increased predation on woodland caribou.

It also does not take much imagination to see that this road will eventually be extended to the coast by Kotzebue, fragmenting the entire western Brooks Range’s ecosystems.

Nevertheless, the road’s construction was approved by the Trump administration. However, the Biden Administration has ordered the Bureau of Land Management to reevaluate the Environmental Review.

The BLM accepted comments until November 4th. Whether the BLM review changes the decision to move forward with the road remains to be seen.

But my sources in Alaska say that the Biden Administration is likely to approve the road to help Alaskan politicians, perhaps with stricter regulations designed to address environmental concerns. The Biden Administration doesn’t want to oppose new Democratic Congressional Representative Mary Petrola who is a supporter of the mine road. Murkowsi was critical to Democrats in voting to convict Donald Trump for his role in the Jan. 6th insurrection, was one of three GOP to vote for nomination of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson  and she was the only GOP member to support the Voting Rights Bill. Biden does not want to alienate her potential support for other Democratic agenda votes.

I can’t emphasize enough that this road is one of the biggest threats to the Arctic’s wildlands and wildlife. It is bigger than just the development impacts that may result from the Ambler Mining operations. I have no doubts that the road, if built, will eventually make other mineral and oil, and gas sources economically viable to develop.


George Wuerthner is a professional photographer, writer, and ecologist. He has written more than three dozen books on natural history and other environmental topics. He is currently the Ed of Public Lands Media. Wuerthner has visited hundreds of mountain ranges around the West, more than 400 wilderness areas, more than 200 national park units, and every national forest west of the Mississippi. Listen to Derrick Jensen’s latest interview with George Wuerthner.

Featured image: Meandors and oxbones of the Redstone River by National Park Service, Alaska via Flickr

Uinta Basin Railway: Progress or Destruction?

Uinta Basin Railway: Progress or Destruction?

Editor’s note: Every time a corporation or state puts forward a development project to further reinforce existing structures of power, it is done under the guise of “economic prosperity.” Those most affected by the project are brought forward as one of the beneficiaries of the so-called economic progress. In reality, their ways of life and livelihood are destroyed, making them more and more dependent on the larger economy and, thus, on the state. The nonhumans are left unmentioned. The same claims are being made about the Uinta Basin Railway. As is mentioned in the article, there is little probability that the railways will be used for anything except transporting fossil fuels.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author. DGR does not endorse all of the ideas expressed here. We do not believe solar, wind or geothermal energy are a viable – or even an ethical – alternative to fossil fuel. Regardless of that, we do agree with the author’s analysis of the Uinta Basin Railway contributing to further climate change.

This is a call to action. Stop this project before it starts. Get involved in an organization to Stop the Unita Basin Railway. Or get involved in fighting for what you love, start your own organization. Spread the word!


by /Mongabay

  • The Uinta Basin is home to a diverse set of creatures from endangered black-footed ferrets to plants that cannot be found anywhere else in the world, such as the Uinta Basin hookless cactus and Graham’s beardtongue.
  • But the basin also sits atop pockets of crude oil and natural gas, which are being extracted: to transport these fossil fuels to the Gulf Coast, local governments and oil companies are planning to invest up to $4.5 billion to construct a new railway through it.
  • Although the project has been approved, construction hasn’t begun and it’s not too late for U.S. President Biden to keep his climate pledges and stop the new railway, a new op-ed argues.

The Uinta Basin, named after the Ute Tribe, is located in Northeast Utah and Western Colorado, about 200 miles from Salt Lake City. Streams from the Uinta mountains roll through the basin into a tributary of the Colorado River – supplying 40 million people with water throughout the drought-ridden West. Plants that cannot be found anywhere else in the world, such as the Uinta Basin hookless cactus and Graham’s beardtongue, flourish in the Uinta Basin. The ecosystem also harbors endangered species such as the sage grouse and black-footed ferret.

By all accounts, the Uinta Basin is a beautiful ecological haven. Unfortunately, however, it sits atop pockets of crude oil and natural gas, which are being extracted. To transport crude oil to the Gulf Coast where it will be refined, local governments and oil companies are planning to invest $1.5 to $4.5 billion to construct a new railway through the basin.

Trail inside the High Uintas Wilderness Area. Image by Brandon Rasmussin via Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).
View of Christmas Meadows in the High Uintas Wilderness Area. Image by Brandon Rasmussin via Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).

The Uinta Basin Railway is a proposed 88-mile stretch of train tracks that will blast through mountains, reroute 443 streams, bulldoze through endangered sage grouse habitat, appropriate private property and even fragment a roadless area in the Ashley National Forest. According to the U.S. Forest Service Chief, “a railway does not constitute a road.” The railway is projected to quadruple the region’s oil extraction from 85,000 up to 350,000 barrels of oil per day – resulting in an increase in air pollution, noise pollution, habitat degradation and a greater risk of water pollution, train derailments and wildfires. The region already suffers from chronic air pollution, falling below federal standards for ozone pollutionset by the Environmental Protection Agency.

By quadrupling fossil fuel extraction in the Uinta Basin, construction of the railway is projected to increase U.S. carbon emissions by 1%. Escalating climate change will bring more wildfires and more drought to the region – at a time when the Biden administration should be actively trying to reduce carbon emissions to prevent further climate change-fueled catastrophes.

Uinta Basin is freckled with small cities and towns such as Vernal, Duchesne and Jensen. The region’s economic history can be summarized as a series of boom and bust cycles due to its reliance on fossil fuels. The whims of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the fluctuations of oil prices determine the quality of life for many people in the Uinta Basin. These fluctuations often send communities into periods of growth and stretches of economic depression that threaten small business and family security.

Proponents of the Uinta Basin Railway claim that its construction will diversify the economy of the region by connecting it to the global market. However, there is little evidence that the railway will be used to transport anything but oil to or from the region, especially because at least 130,000 barrels of oil per day will have to be transported to recoup the cost of construction. This will only cause harm and exacerbate boom and bust cycles.

If the railway is constructed, the communities of the Uinta basin will not gain a diversified economy. But there are viable options to re-stimulate and stabilize the economy of the region without large-scale ecological destruction. In the Uinta Basin there are potential sites for geothermal energy production and wind farms, and the entire region is suitable for solar energy production. Additionally, the region’s state parks and Ashley National Forest attract anglers, hikers and outdoor enthusiasts – accommodating a growing tourism industry.

Although the Uinta Basin Railway has been approved by the U.S. Forest Service and the Surface Transportation Board, construction hasn’t begun. It’s not too late to stop this catastrophic project from happening. President Joe Biden has made it a priority to address the climate crisis. To uphold his commitment to a livable climate and to safeguard our country’s biodiversity, the president should now backtrack on the Uinta Basin Railway and cancel the project from moving forward.

Sammy Herdman coordinates the Save the Boreal Forest campaign for Environment America

The Seven County Infrastructure Coalition (Coalition) has filed a petition with the Surface Transportation Board (Board) requesting authority to construct and operate an approximately 85-mile common-carrier rail line connecting two termini in Utah’s Uinta Basin near South Myton Bench and Leland Bench to the national rail network. The construction and operation of this proposed project has the potential to result in significant environmental impacts. Therefore, the Board’s Office of Environmental Analysis (OEA) has determined that the preparation of an EIS is appropriate pursuant to the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA).

The Uinta Basin Railway is a preliminary public private partnership(PPP). A PPP is used for collaboration to fund, build and operate infrastructure projects. This financing scam allows a project like the Uinta Basin Railway to move forward faster.

The public funds authorized for use on the railway come from mineral lease fees. Oil and gas are minerals for which producers pay a mineral lease fee to the federal government as part of the Mineral Lands Leasing Act of 1920. The government then gives part of those funds back to the state to be used within communities where the minerals are extracted.

The Utah Permanent Community Impact Fund Board manages these funds and has granted $27.9 million to the Seven County Infrastrucutre Coalition for planning and studies in the environmental clearance process.

The private industry will pay an anticipated $1.2-$1.5 billion for construction, operation and maintenance of the railway. This financing will be paid through contracts and service fees for use of the railway.

Here is some history of the Unita Railway from the National Park Service.


Featured image: Oil tanker train in Saskatchewan, Canada by Dan Loran via Unsplash

An Open Letter to Climate Activists in the Northwoods…and Beyond

An Open Letter to Climate Activists in the Northwoods…and Beyond

Aimee Cree Dunn / Counterpunch

From a talk delivered November 1, 2019.  Northern Michigan University Sonderegger Symposium:  Anishinaabek: East, South, West, North.  Marquette, MI.  Featured image: American Progress by John Gast, ca. 1872.

Overview

I’m going to cut straight to the point:  averting climate change is not going stop the global collapse of the planet as we know it.

Don’t get me wrong.  Climate change is a global emergency and will cause tremendous damage, and, in fact, already has for many.

But the thing is, massive, global-scale destruction has been going on for a long time even before climate change.  Although it has roots that go back further, 1492 marks the beginning of this global emergency.

So, first, averting climate change will not stop the global emergency because climate change is only one part of this global emergency.

Second, addressing climate change using the values and viewpoints of this Western culture will only exacerbate the problem.  The disease powered by solar fields is still the same disease that is powered by coal.

Third, Western industrial civilization is the cause of the global collapse of the planet as we know it.

Thus, fourth, this Western culture must change if we want to save the planet as we know it.

Finally, fifth, we need to look to healthy cultures for answers about how to change this diseased culture so we can not just avert climate change but also end today’s global ecological collapse.  One way to do this is to become acquainted with the resistance movements of healthy cultures.  We have examples we can learn from right here in Anishinaabe territory.

Identifying the Problem

To begin at the beginning, what exactly is the problem?

In 1800, half the planet’s land was still in tribal hands.[1]  Over the next 150 years, “virtually all indigenous territory” in the world was taken over “by colonizing industrial states” with around 50 million Indigenous people dying in those 150 years alone.[2]  In the Americas, this genocide began in 1492 with some estimating as much as 90% of the Indigenous peoples here wiped out.

As this settler culture spread, it deliberately destroyed not only Indigenous human peoples and their ways of life but also the lives and cultures of the Indigenous non-human peoples.  Untold numbers of plant and animal relations driven to extinction or near-extinction.  Waterways choked with poison.  80% of the planet’s forests annihilated.[3]  Grasslands destroyed.  Children stolen.  Cultures shredded.  Or to quote one British author extolling the virtues of European colonization of Indigenous Africa: “This great work of progress will be accomplished through the religion of God.  Africa shall be redeemed . . . Her morasses [swamps] will be drained; her deserts shall be watered by canals; her forests shall be reduced to firewood.  Her [African] children shall do all this . . . In this amiable task, they may possibly become exterminated.  We must learn to look upon this result with composure.  It illustrates the beneficent law of Nature, that the weak must be devoured by the strong.”[4]

The majority of people in the settler culture not only stood by and watched this apocalypse but actively promoted it as Progress, although a few wept tears for the passing of the natives.  Still, even for the sympathetic, it was assimilate or be annihilated – Progress is inevitable.

Then climate change came along.  Suddenly the privileged elites felt threatened realizing this time they, too, will be feel the impacts of their own destructive culture.  This time, they are concerned and want to take urgent action to stop the destruction.

The problem is their version of “urgent action” doesn’t call on sufficient change to address the problem because they don’t understand the cause of the problem.  Most climate activists look at this industrial civilization and boldly claim the urgent action we must take is to stop powering this civilization with fossil fuels.  We can do this, they say, with a carbon tax or a carbon dividend.  We can do this with mega-wind and mega-solar.    Their version of “urgent action” means getting off of fossil fuels as quickly as possible and replacing them with “green” energy sources.  A technologically intensive civilization powered by wind, they argue, is the wave of the sustainable future.  If we do this, as long as we haven’t yet passed the tipping point, we will stop global climate change and save the planet.  Then we can get back to the business of Progress as usual.

The changes the elites want are only those changes that will allow them to continue their materialistic, colonizing way of life.  Swept up in the urgency of things, everyone else gets swept up in their fervor, a fervor that feeds the disease and keeps it going.  Haudenosaunee philosopher-activist John Mohawk compares it to being rabid.[5]  Santee activist John Trudell calls it being “industrially insane.”[6]  Aboriginal Australian singer/songwriter Bobbie McLeod sees it as a culture of Wayward Dreams.  It is the culture that needs to change, this disease that needs to be cured.  From there, all else will follow.

Artist: John Hunter (Gamilaraay)

Other Indigenous teachings from the Honorable Harvest to the Hopi Prophecies to the Anishinaabe Seventh Fire prophecy talk about what happens when a culture is out of balance with the Earth.  The problem we need to address today, according to these teachings and prophecies, is not so much whether industrial civilization is powered by wind or coal but whether or not industrial civilization itself is sustainable.  It also the raises the question:  is the inherent parasitism of civilization even moral?

Industrialism has greatly exacerbated the disease of civilization.  Yet Columbus landed in what we now call the Americas well before the Industrial Revolution.  The Western cultural arena he came from was already grossly disconnected from the land, its burgeoning population well beyond the land’s carrying capacity[7], and thus most of Europe, even before the Industrial Revolution or before capitalism, was already wreaking havoc with its landbase.

Europe itself had undergone colonization by civilized cultures some centuries before Columbus.  Prior to the civilizing of Europe, Europe was alive with tribal societies.  The civilizing of those tribal societies by colonizers is likely where much of Europe’s disconnect from the land arose.

Yes, I just contrasted tribal societies with civilized cultures.

Um…what?

 Trudell says, “The Great Lie is that it is ‘civilization.’ It’s not civilized, it has been literally the most bloodthirsty, brutalizing system ever imposed upon this planet. That is not civilization […] The great lie is that it represents ‘civilization.’ That’s the great lie.  Or if it does represent civilization and it’s truly what civilization is . . . then the great lie is that civilization is good for us.”[8]

This is the conclusion many anthropologists, such as John Bodley, have come to.  Civilization is not the human ideal we’ve been trained by this civilized culture to believe it is.

According to anthropologists (and as can be seen by the definition and origins of the word itself), a civilization is a society that is city-based.  The city is the central point of power.  Some of the traits that define a city-based society, as opposed to a tribal society, include the rise of economic, religious, and political power hierarchies and stratification within the urban society.  The city needs these oppressive power structures for it cannot provide for itself from within its own borders.  It needs the resources of the people who live on the land.  This it most often obtains by force through such means as taxation, tribute, or outright military conquest.  The primary target for an urban area to use for resources is the surrounding countryside, thus the rural area is made subject to the urban.

But the surrounding countryside is usually not sufficient to satisfy the urban appetite.  Disconnected from the land and thus from understanding carrying capacity (or ignoring it), the urban world needs ever more land and resources for their ever-expanding populations.  To get it, city-based societies or civilizations engage in what some anthropologists call “predatory expansion” against their neighbors.

For the last 6000 years, Indigenous people and their tribal societies have been targeted by civilizations by their predatory expansions.  Europe itself was once a region of tribes who, if they followed the general pattern of tribal societies, would have lived in relative balance with their land and all their relations.  Eventually, however, one by one the European tribes fell victim to the predatory expansion of their more civilized neighbors and became themselves one of history’s most destructive colonizers of tribal peoples.[9]  As urbanite and historian Theodore Roszak writes, ““Whatever holds out against us[, the city] — [be it] the peasant, the nomad, the savage, we regard as so much cultural debris in our path.”[10]

But in the 6000 years of civilization and its predatory expansion, Indigenous peoples and other peoples of the land have resisted the incursions of civilization and its power inequalities, its colonization of rural/tribal areas, and its attempts to disconnect people from the land.

It was a mere two hundred years ago that, Indigenous peoples and their healthy lifeways protected half of the land on this planet.  It is because of this that we have what little healthy land we have today.  And it is this land today that is most targeted by resource corporations and their puppet governments in the Western world.

Despite the fact that some cultures got off track and became diseased with this cultural maladaptation of civilization, the Indigenous way of living with the land respectfully and in a good way is our heritage as human beings.  All of us have a human heritage of more than 300,000 years of living well with our relations.  It’s only in the last 6,000 that some of us have fallen ill and fallen out of balance.  But it is human to live in harmony with the Earth.  It is human to be at peace with the planet.

So, how do we cure this disease and move, once again, to a healthy way of living with Mother Earth?

Living the Circle:  Learning from the Past

If we see the world through the lens of the Medicine Wheel, we will see our history is not a linear lockstep “progression” leading away from those good lifeways but rather a circle leading us back to them.

Our elders represent some of the greatest repositories of how to keep walking that circle.  Climate activists of all ages can learn from them, and in fact many climate activists are those elders who have been on the front lines for decades. Without the work of these elders, we wouldn’t have the Endangered Species Act, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Clean Water Act.  Without them, we wouldn’t have the treaties and the struggles to protect those treaty rights.  We wouldn’t have had Wisconsin’s mining moratorium.  The older generations have worked hard, sacrificed much, thinking of us today and those who are yet to come.

This resistance movement to protect this planet and all our relations, is generations old and has very ancient roots.  If we follow the teachings of the Medicine Wheel, we know we need the gifts of all ages, from the young to the elders, to realize our full power as a people.

Here in the northern Great Lakes area, the rural resistance movement to Western industrial civilization has been alive and well for some time.  Most of the rural resistance I’ll discuss here comes from the Anishinaabe communites, but some also comes from the non-Native people of the northern Great Lakes area.

The two-plus centuries of rural resistance in our region emphasize how important it is to:

+ Resist civilization in its attempts to control

+ Resist removal from the land

+ Resist the predatory expansion efforts of urban areas/civilization

+ Resist the ideologies of human supremacy

As these rural resistance movements up here show, we can do this by:

+ Becoming a member of the community of a particular land or region by living on the land

+ Maintaining and reclaiming self-sufficiency and the necessary land skills for that self-sufficiency

+ Respecting the sovereignty of all our relations in accordance with the Honorable Harvest

This Land Is Our Home:  Resisting Removal from the Land

From the beginning of the treaty era in the Anishinaabe homeland, people showed their reluctance to sign away their land or to leave the land they had belonged to for generations.  Alfred Brunson, an outspoken Indian agent at LaPointe (whose criticism of the American government’s treatment of the Anishinaabe lost him his job within a year), wrote in January of 1843, “[S]o much dissatisfaction exists among the Indians and half breeds of the Chippewas of this agency” that there are “many omens of a Threatening Storm,” some of which included “a party of warriors & braves on the [1842] treaty ground.”[11]

During the discussions leading up to the 1842 treaty, Acting Superintendent of Indian Affairs Robert Stuart told the Anishinaabeg “it was no difference whether they signed or not” as the land would be taken anyway.[12]  He also issued a veiled threat of outright removal from their lands.  While uttering assurances that it was only minerals not the land that the U.S. wanted at the present time, he suggested that in the future they would be removed like so many other tribes “sent west of the Mississippi, to make room for the whites.”[13]  After his words, as historian Ronald Satz writes, the representatives “of the Wisconsin bands from the Lake Superior region remained silent.”[14]  They were “not . . . willing to sell or make any agreement.”[15]

Eventually and reluctantly, however, the Anishinaabe did sign.  Brunson points out that “the Indians did not act free & voluntary, but felt themselves pressed into the measure,” largely by Stuart’s tactics. [16]

Photo: Great Lakes Indian Fish & Wildlife Commission

In 1850, Stuart’s threat of eventual removal became U.S. policy.  An executive removal order was issued by President Zachary Taylor to remove the Anishinaabeg of northern Wisconsin and the western U.P. to Sandy Lake, MN by moving the location of the tribes’ annuity payments..  Closing the Indian agency at Fort LaPointe on what many know today as Madeleine Island, the Anishinaabeg of the 1842 ceded territory were told they’d have to travel to the Sandy Lake agency to receive their annuity payments of cash, implements and food.  The idea was to use a velvet glove to force the Anishinaabeg to settle around Sandy Lake (and out of the 1842 territory).  To the U.S., the Anishinaabe land in question was known as “the mineral district” and removing the Indigenous people from the area could prove beneficial to mining interests, particularly as the Anishinaabeg had already shown a resistance or dissatisfaction to mineral exploration on their homeland.  Many refused to make the trip to Sandy Lake.  Those that did arrived in October to find they had to wait weeks for what turned out to be only a very small part of the annuity payment in early December.  Dysentery and malnutrition weakened and even killed some of those who waited at Sandy Lake.  Understanding the intent of this maneuver, most made their way back home in early December.  Over 250 more people died along the way.  The entire incident is often referred to as the Sandy Lake Tragedy.

Once back home, the people refused to move and instead organized a petition drive, obtaining signatures from the Native and non-Native community.  A delegation, headed by Chief Buffalo, then an elder in his nineties, traveled to Washington D.C. to present the petition to President Fillmore.  The petition, the delegation, and the refusal to be moved from their homeland were all eventually successful as the executive removal order was rescinded.

Defending the Land:  Resisting Civilization’s Predatory Expansion

Those who live on the land and call it home are more apt to defend that land from those who threaten it.  As you see, we have a long history of such land defense in the rural resistance of the northern Great Lakes area.

Prior to Sandy Lake, back in 1820, the territory of Michigan organized the Cass Expedition whose purpose was to assess the natural resource wealth of the Anishinaabe homeland, land still legally Anishinaabe territory as the major land cession treaties were still over a decade away.  The Cass Expedition was, pure and simple, a predatory expedition, surveying another’s homeland to assess its potential to benefit American civilization.

According to Henry Schoolcraft in his Narrative Journal of the Cass Expedition, the Anishinaabe people resisted giving him information that would lead the Expedition to the minerals they sought.[17]  This was an early example of the Anishinaabeg resisting the mining that has plagued our region for the last century.  In another instance of such mining resistance, a contemporary historian writes, “We know that the upper lake Indians traditionally opposed white mining exploration before and after the treaty [of 1842], and that Father Baraga had opposed mines in the Ontonagon and Keweenaw country.” [18]

Anecdotal evidence of resistance to industrial civilization on the part of the Anishinaabe in the Great Lakes area also comes from Broker’s account of her great-great-great-grandfather who worked in the settlers’ logging camps.  “I do not like cutting the trees,” he says.  “I think too often of the animal people.  They will be few, and they will be gone from this land.  When we have enough of the lumber, I shall no longer cut the trees or travel the rivers on them.  My heart cries too often when I do this.”[19]

1910 Wisconsin Lumber Camp — Wisconsin Historical Society

In Anishinaabe country, there are and have been non-Native people who struggle to defend the land they’ve come to call home.  One of the ironies of history in the United States is that this is a nation founded on freedom and overthrowing colonialism.  Yet the the nation is also founded on that same colonialism and thus is founded on the destruction of the lives, freedom, and lifeways of the land’s Indigenous peoples.  That is still an identity crisis most Americans have yet to deal with.  It’s why you can have American historian Frederick Jackson Turner decrying, and accurately so, that the closing of the frontier sounded the death knell for American democracy, yet, with no sense of irony, also firmly believing that taking the land from its Native people was all a necessary part of creating that beloved frontier.

Here in the northern Great Lakes area we have that same irony.

In the nineteenth century, as the Anishinaabeg were dispossessed of their land, settlers, land speculators, and resource corporations came in.  The trees were cut and almost all of Northwoods’ pre-colonial forests were annihilated.[20]  Mining corporations formed and tore up the Earth for minerals, poisoned the waters with mine run-off, and kept their laborers as serfs.  Settlers came in an attempt to farm the cutover areas, areas that once rang with the laughter of Anishinaabe families and once were rich with the wellspring of Anishinaabe culture: the verdant and generous woodlands of the north country.

Those settlers who arrived to make a living on the land were often in competition with corporations and land speculators seeking to get rich off the land.  This produced some interesting scenarios.  These days, mining corporations may have convinced many in the U.P. that mining is our heritage here, or, as one oil and gas representative told me, that “Yoopers like to be exploited.”  But that prejudice ignores the rest of the U.P.’s heritage.  In fact, one could argue environmental resistance is our true heritage here in the northern Great Lakes area, a heritage the corporations would prefer we forgot.  Finnish immigrants who worked ardently to unionize miners and then sought refuge in the backwoods from corporate thugs, are yet another example of this.  And there are more.

We’ve even had what one historian calls “guerrilla warfare” launched by non-Native homesteaders against logging corporations up on the Keweenaw in the 1890s.  A lumber company named Metropolitan Lumber claimed to own land that the U.P. homesteaders saw as their own.  To protect “their” land from corporate interests, these nineteenth century Yooper homesteaders engaged in what we would call eco-terrorism today.  Draft horses pulling corporate sleds of logs were shot and killed.  Steel spikes were driven into logs that were intended for the Metropolitan Lumber sawmill.  Iced corporate roads, perfect for pulling out heavy loads of timber, were melted with hot ash.  One woman lay down in the middle of an icy winter road to prevent a horse-drawn sleigh from taking away logs that Metropolitan Lumber had cut on her land.[21]  [22]

In the last several decades, the Anishinaabe also have risen in force to protect their land from mining interests.  In Wisconsin, one of the most successful mining resistance movements around the world came out of the struggle to exercise the Ojibwe treaty rights to hunt and fish in the 1842 ceded territory, a fight for the right to maintain self-sufficiency.  This fight for treaty rights took on racism in some of its ugliest forms.  The struggle merged with the movement to protect the Northwoods from the opening of a metallic sulfide mining district.  In doing this, the Native and non-Native people of Wisconsin foiled the multinational mining corporations.  As Anishinaabe activist Walt Bresette often mentioned, the corporations seemed intent on dividing the people of the northern Great Lakes area by fanning the flames of white supremacy and racism.  In this way, Bresette pointed out, they attempted to manipulate the people of the Northwoods into fighting each other while the true threats to the land moved in and tried to open up a metallic sulfide mining district in northern Wisconsin.  The people of the land, Native and non-Native, however, united despite their differences, and fought off the multinational mining corporations with the passage of the mining moratorium, also known as the Prove It First Law.  This hard won struggle marked Wisconsin, according to one mining industry representative, as the toughest place on the planet to put in a mine.

Then we have the Bolt Weevils of central Minnesota.

The Bolt Weevils were farmers who organized in the 1970s to protect their lands and scenic areas from high-voltage transmission lines.  The lines were intended to bring power from a coal-fired power plant in North Dakota through Minnesota’s rural areas to the urban populations of the Twin Cities in Minnesota.  From the beginning, the power companies told them the same thing the U.S. government told the Anishinaabe:  you can resist us, but it won’t matter because we’ll get your land anyway.

Local public opinion strongly supported the farmers in their opposition.  The farmers used every legal means possible:  public hearings, planning commissions who denied the permits, lawsuits.  Despite it all, it was determined that the greater number of people living in the city counted more than the smaller number of people living on the land in the rural areas of Minnesota.  As one veteran powerline resistor, Verlyn Marth, who lived in the area said, rural people are seen as “just a colony to be used.”  He told them, “You are being programmed to think you are helpless.  But they are an evil cartel assaulting individual farmers…It is your responsibility to beat the line.  You are the stewards of the land.”[23]

Despite the farmers’ objections, the power lines in rural Minnesota were approved and construction began.  But the farmers didn’t stop.  Their resistance to the lines turned to physical violence against the power lines.  The state governor called in the state troopers to protect the powerline as it was built through the rural areas.  The Twin Cities got their coal-fired electrical power.

But the farmers still didn’t stop.  As singer/songwriter Dana Lyons so aptly describes in “Turn of the Wrench.”

Farmers opposing the powerline

The thing is, when a society is civilized, this type of thing is part of its predatory means of obtaining resources for its urban populations.  Even if the power had been wind-derived, the powerlines would still present the exact same issue for the farmers:  destruction of their lands in order to supply power to the city.

In fact, in the heart of Anishinaabe country at the turn of the twenty-first century, the Lac Courte Oreilles band of Lake Superior Chippewa and eleven rural Wisconsin counties also opposed a 400 kV transmission line.  The line was to connect central Wisconsin to Minnesota’s energy grid, helping, in part, to increase Manitoba Hydro’s ability to bring more electrical power to urban areas in the U.S.  The power would come from “green” energy which actually meant  the expansion of mega-dams that threatened traditional Cree homelands.  The Cree helped the people of Wisconsin resist the line.  When all counties passed resolutions opposing it, however, American Transmission Company told them they’d take their land anyway, only for less compensation under eminent domain.  The line was built.  The mega-dams expanded.  Wisconsin bragged about how wonderful it was they’d obtained more “green” energy.  Ask the Pimicikamak Cree and the people of northwestern Wisconsin how “green” that energy truly is.

Likewise here in the U.P., several communities have opposed energy projects sold as “green” projects.  Most climate activists hearing of wind projects will uncritically support such projects.  Summit Lake Wind Project near the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community and the Heritage Wind Project on the Garden Peninsula are two such projects generating both rural resistance and knee-jerk climate activist reactions.

KBIC successfully opposed Summit Lake, not because they oppose wind in general, but because this “green” energy project would first clearcut an area that is 94% forested and full of all the gifts a forest offers.  Further, in industrializing this wild area with the extensive road network needed for the turbine construction and to transport the heavy equipment for the project, KBIC feared it would open up the land to mining interests eager to get at the ore underneath the extensive forest, part of one of the largest wilderness areas left east of the Mississippi.[24]

The other example of this type of “green” energy project here in the U.P., Heritage Wind is built along a major bird migration route and, as such, is opposed by the USFWS among others.  Although concerns are many, unique to the area are concerns over culturally significant sites, like the limestone caves containing pictographs of Anishinaabe constellations.  To safely hold its 400+ foot wind towers, Heritage drills 200 foot deep foundations into the peninsula’s limestone.  Some of the turbines will be built near the caves.  Will the limestone be strong enough to resist collapse?[25]

None of the power from either of these wind projects would be generated for the rural communities they are placed in.  Instead, for projects such as these the power they produce is loaded onto high-voltage transmission lines and made part of the national grid to be sold to urban areas.  The rural area is the site for the energy generation.  The urban areas are the sites for the energy use.  This is energy colonization.  The rural areas are being used as energy colonies for corporate “green” power production.[26]

Instead of colonizing rural areas with ever more electrical projects and ever more transmission lines, however, what if we as a society admit we have a problem – we are energy addicts.  The biggest hurdle for any addict is first admitting there is a problem.  Until then, the addict will do anything, no matter how destructive, to get what they crave.  That’s happening right now.  It’s time for it to change.

Resisting Control:  The Right to Self-Sufficiency

The history of civilization’s attempts to colonize rural-wild areas to satisfy urban appetites clearly shows that destroying self-sufficiency to force people off the land into wage-dependency is an essential component of the colonizing process.  Self-sufficiency makes people difficult to control.

 more time spent in wage work, the less time there is available to engage in traditional land skills.  This both makes peoples easier to control and weakens a people’s knowledge of the land and how to live with it.  Colonial governments on Indigenous lands around the world have used Western-style education, wage-labor, and other civilizing methods to dispossess people from their homelands.

Robert Stuart, Acting Superintendent for Indian Affairs, was well aware of this colonial strategy.  In 1843, he wrote about the Anishinaabeg, “There are those who think that all these Indians should be at once removed to the unceded district,” but this could not be “easily accomplished just now, as they have considerable game, fish, and other inducements to attach them to their present homes; but so soon as they realize the benefits of schools, and the other arts of civilization, which I trust we shall be able to cluster around them, there will be less difficulty in inducing them to renounce their present habits” and thus be able to remove them.[27]  This approach was used around the world in colonization to varying degrees, including in Kenya where Indigenous workers were forced into wage labor by various taxation laws and then were forbidden from quitting their job, on pain of torture, without permission of their employer.[28]

Social engineers in the twentieth century employed a similar mindset with planning out what they saw as proper land use for the northern Great Lakes area.  These social engineers came from urban universities.  For example, P.S. Lovejoy (1918-1941), for example, was from the University of Michigan.  George Wehrwein (1883-1945) from the University of Wisconsin – Stevens Point.  Both were well respected men in the early twentieth century, and their ideas about how the northern Great Lakes area should be regulated to allow for a healthy regeneration of this cutover area were highly regarded.  In their view, everyone in the Northwoods should be productive members of the national industrial economy.  Farmers should not farm for subsistence but should be for-profit farmers.  People who lived far back in the woods, should be induced by zoning laws to move closer to towns.  After all, George Wehrwein argued, without neighbors to watch over them, “people in the forest might resort to a sort of savagery, bereft of any standard of morality or cleanliness.”[29]   Without this type of social engineering, Lovejoy argued, the northern Great Lakes area would continue “breeding paupers and morons and fires.”[30] [31]

Out of this mindset came elitist game laws, intended to preserve wildlife for future generations of sportsmen rather than for those who hunted for food.  They completely ignored Anishinaabe treaty rights.  Despite having their way of life outlawed unless they could afford to buy the proper permits, people resisted these laws and managed to provide for their families regardless.  As Ignatia Broker writes, “Then came the laws to control the fishing, the hunting, the trapping, even on the reservation lands…The Ojibway, however, continued to net fish and hunt deer as they had always done . . . [They] still laid nets for the fish and pulled them in early in the morning.  But they had to clean, salt, and dry their catch inside their house instead of in the outdoor ovens, so the man who enforced the laws against using nets would not know.”[32]  [33]

One of the major obstacles to controlling a people, as identified by colonial agents, is a peoples’ ability to provide for themselves from their own land.  One of the key causes of our current environmental and climate crises is that people around the world have been thrown off the land by this civilizing process.  As a result, like Europe in 1492, most people today are disconnected from the land and no longer possess an intergenerational knowledge and love of a specific land.  As such, we are all subject to ever greater control by our governments,and we face global ecological crises of cataclysmic proportions.  As Okanagan author Jeanette Armstrong says, the corporations know “how powerful the solidarity is of peoples bound together by land, blood, and love.

Resisting Human Supremacy:  Respect the Sovereignty of All Our Relations

In traditional Anishinaabe teachings, living with the land involves an intricate system of values that is based on seeing all beings as relatives, respecting their right to self-determination.  Respecting the sovereignty of all our relations.

In striking contrast, Western industrial civilization is based on a belief in the supremacy of human beings.  This Western belief in human supremacy[34] is found in its religion. It’s found in its secular views on other species. It’s found in its science.  It permeates Western culture, justifying its takeover of the planet through industry, science, consumerism, and even conservation-minded management.

The Indigenous concept of respecting the sovereignty of all our relations is complex yet straightforward.  Potawatomi biologist and author, Robin Wall Kimmerer, describes it well when she refers to this relationship as “the democracy of species.”  Being a part of this democracy means participating as a respectful member of a community, not as its tyrant or emperor.  Part of it involves giving respect to other beings so that we can see them as fully functioning, sentient, intelligent beings.  Not as our slaves.  Or our wards.

From a traditional Anishinaabe perspective, all species are sentient whether they are plant or animal.  Yet there is the recognition that life gives its life for other life to continue.  Part of living in this democracy of species as human beings is to follow the guidelines of the Honorable Harvest.  In fact, hunting, fishing and gathering in the respectful manner outlined by the Honorable Harvest connects us to the land in an intimate manner.  This connection helps us understand the land.

The Honorable Harvest also recognizes the sentience of all relatives.  When harvesting blueberries, for example, you first ask permission of the blueberries to harvest.  If they don’t give you that permission, you listen and do not harvest them.

One recent example of respect for the sovereignty of all our relations comes from the Grand Portage Band of Lake Superior Chippewa.  Isle Royale is part of the traditional territory of the Grand Portage Band.  As you know, there’s been an ecological conundrum of late as the predator/prey relationship of the moose and wolf is currently out of balance.  The U.S. government determined relocation of wolves from other areas to the island was the best way to resolve the imbalance.

Grand Portage, however, initially opposed the relocation of wolves to Isle Royale.  According to the band’s reply to the National Park Service Draft Environmental Impact Statement on the relocation plan, “The Grand Portage Band observes a cultural value that allows for natural cycles of predators and prey and the cultural philosophy of management only when necessary.”  The band continues, “Thus, we urge non-interventionist policy for management of wildlife on Isle Royale National Park and feel that upholding the Park principle of maintaining unmanaged wilderness is most appropriate.”  Wolves, they say, have only been on the island since 1949.  Ice bridges often form between the island and the mainland.  Wolves have used this ice bridge recently to cross to the island.  But they choose not to stay.  The band argued that for the next ten years at least, we should let nature take its course. [35]

The National Park Service eventually obtained the band’s cooperation when they agreed to first relocate Grand Portage wolves to Isle Royale.  This, the band felt, would protect Grand Portage wolves from diseases and parasites that could be brought in if wolves from outside the area where relocated to the island.

However, of the four Grand Portage wolves relocated to Isle Royale, one died from the stress of captivity.  A second died a month after being relocated to the island.  Another wolf, a female who was radio-collared, left the island, crossing back to the mainland via an ice bridge – according to leading Western expert on wolf biology, David Mech, relocated (I’d say kidnapped) wolves released within eighty miles of their home will often return to their home.

The White Earth Land Recovery Project refers to Ma’iingan (the Wolf) as “[t]he one sent here by that all-loving spirit to show us the way.”[36]  Ma’iingan, one of our very home-centered, family-oriented relatives, did once again shows us the way: our animal relatives are not there for us to control.  A central tenet of traditional Indigenous philosophy that can be found around the world is the development of a relationship with all our relatives that respects the sovereignty and life force of those relatives as a whole and as individuals.  The settler culture, however, being the civilized entity that it is, seeks to control that which is out of its control.  This is central to the disease that so besets a civilized culture.

Yet there are non-Native people in the northern Great Lakes area who also demonstrate resistance to aspects of this diseased culture by protecting our non-human relatives.  A retired teacher who has lived in my area since childhood is a recent example of this.  A pillar of her Christian community, a well-respected member of various community organizations, this outspoken rural woman who usually votes Democrat, although she preferred to vote Green rather than vote for Hillary, lives at the end of a dirt road with her Republican husband.  She loves and nurtures monarch butterflies.  When the county Road Commission brushcutter headed down her way one summer, after having destroyed a milkweed patch along her road the previous year, she blockaded her end of the road with her car to protect the milkweed there, milkweed reserved for the monarchs.  I call it, the Monarch Blockade, yet another great example of rural resistance.  As the Earth-advocate Derrick Jensen often prescribes, find something you love, then stake yourself to it and protect it.

The Oshki-Anishinaabeg and the Green Path:  On Being an Evangelical Heathen

I recently learned this summer that the word “heathen” comes from a time when England was converting to Christianity.  People who lived in the city became Christian.  These urban people looked down on the people who lived on the heath. The heath was a wild, “uncultivated” land.  The people who lived there kept to the old tribal ways.  The people of the city, like so many urban people of today, ridiculed the rural people as unenlightened and backward because it was those people, the people of the heath, the heathen, who kept to the old ways. [37]

Well, I have decided I am an unequivocal, evangelical heathen.  I firmly believe returning to the wild, “uncultivated” lands and the old ways that belong to them is our way out of this mess.  Our way out of climate change.  Our way out of the larger global emergency that civilization has brought to this planet.

To quote a scientific report done in 1964, “It is realized that a whole system of culture and an age-old way of life cannot be changed overnight, but change it must, and quickly.”[38]

Like so much of civilization’s attempts to control and manipulate the people of the land, this report was directed at forcing the self-sufficient tribal peoples of India’s Chittagong Hills to become cash-croppers.

But this sentiment needs to be reversed.

Indigenous peoples around the planet were forced to change quickly from living in their well-adjusted tribal cultures to becoming part of the colonizers’ diseased, maladjusted one.  The rapidity at which this happened shows how quickly cultures can change.  But this time, it’s Western industrial civilization’s turn to change and change as quickly as possible.  For those things that cannot humanely change rapidly (for example, in dealing with our overpopulated numbers), we need to start planning now on how to get to where we need to be.  All of this needs to be part of a Seventh Generation Sustainability Plan wherein we work out where we need to be seven generations from now.  Part of this involves long-range planning.  Part of it involves urgent immediate changes.

As Trudell said, “Earth is a living entity. It is not in man’s destiny to destroy the Earth. That’s arrogance. What it is man’s destiny to do is destroy civilized man’s ability to live with the Earth… the antibiotic will come, in a planetary sense. If it means…letting it wipe out civilized man, then the Earth will do that. The Earth will continue on.”

The question is, will we?

The thing is, we have various Indigenous teachings and prophecies that are there to help.  According to the Anishinaabe prophecy of the Seventh Fire, this is not only a time to be choosing the Green Path over the Burnt Path, but it is also a time when the oshki-anishinaabeg, the New People, will rise.  Various culture bearers from Eddie Benton-Banai to Nick and Charlotte Hockings to Walt Bresette and others have felt this includes both Native and non-Native people.  It refers to those people working to bring us back to the Green Path through finding that which was lost during the process of colonization.

The root causes of this global collapse are ignored, and in many cases, even exacerbated by the solutions proposed.  Even if the ice caps stop melting and climate change is averted, as long as this industrial, technologically intensive, species-isolated culture continues as is, the apocalypse will continue until there is nothing left for us as human beings.

If, however, we recognize our potential in becoming the oshki-anishinaabeg we are prophesied to be, leading this society to the good path, we can enter a future where we don’t have to fear for our children and our children’s children.

I’d like to end with some words from Anishinaabe activist, Walt Bresette.  As usual, in this excerpt of a speech he gave to a crowd at Northland College in Ashland, he offers us a way to build that bridge together and move into a world that, seven generations from now we can look back on and say, “We’re proud of what we’ve done.”

Miigwech.  Mii i’iw.

Aimée Cree Dunn teaches at the Center for Native American Studies at Northern Michigan University.


[1] John Bodley.  Victims of Progress.  6th edition.  NY:  Rowan & Littlefield, 2016.  p7.

[2] John Bodley.  Victims of Progress.  6th edition.  NY:  Rowan & Littlefield, 2016.  p10.

[3] John Bodley.  Victims of Progress.  6th edition.  NY:  Rowan & Littlefield, 2016.  p184.

[4] Winwood Reade.  Savage Africa.  1863.

[5] John Mohawk.  Thinking in Indian: The John Mohawk Reader.  Ed. Josée Barreiro.  Golden, CO:  Fulcrum Publishing, 2010.  p260.

[6] Trudell:  A Film by Heather Rae.  Passion River, 2007.

[7] Anyone who thinks overpopulation is not a problem, that overpopulation is not something that we should be concerned about, needs only to look at Europe in the fifteenth century.  The overpopulation of Europe, like steam coming out of a boiling kettle, launched Columbus and the ensuing colonization of Indigenous lands around the world.

[8] Trudell:  A Film by Heather Rae.  Passion River, 2007.

[9] In fact, that is the danger in existing as an Indigenous person within a colonial society.  The pull to assimilate is strong, to go with the crowd, even when it’s the liberal wing of the colonial society.  Such assimilation, over generations, leads to becoming colonizers ourselves.

[10] Theodore Roszak.  Person/Planet: The Creative Disintegration of Industrial Society.  1978.  Garden City, NY:  Anchor Books, 1979.  p243.

[11] U.P. Indian Treaties.  Institute for the Development of Indian Law and Cook Christian Training School.  “Treaty Rights Workshop:  L’Anse Chippewa Treaty 1842.”  Mimeographed copy at Northern Michigan University Olson Library.  N.d. p36.

[12] Qtd. in Satz, Ronald N.  “Chippewa treaty rights : the reserved rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in historical perspective.” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters.  Vol. 79, No. 1.  p38. <http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/WI/WI-idx?type=div&did=WI.WT199101.i0012&isize=text>.

[13] Satz, Ronald N.  “Chippewa treaty rights : the reserved rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in historical perspective.” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters.  Vol. 79, No. 1.  p37. <http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/WI/WI-idx?type=div&did=WI.WT199101.i0012&isize=text>.

[14] Satz, Ronald N.  “Chippewa treaty rights : the reserved rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in historical perspective.” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters.  Vol. 79, No. 1.  p38. <http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/WI/WI-idx?type=div&did=WI.WT199101.i0012&isize=text>.

[15] Qtd. in Satz, Ronald N.  “Chippewa treaty rights : the reserved rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in historical perspective.” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters.  Vol. 79, No. 1.  p38. <http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/WI/WI-idx?type=div&did=WI.WT199101.i0012&isize=text>.

[16] U.P. Indian Treaties.  Institute for the Development of Indian Law and Cook Christian Training School.  “Treaty Rights Workshop:  L’Anse Chippewa Treaty 1842.”  Mimeographed copy at Northern Michigan University Olson Library.  N.d. p36.

[17] U.P. Indian Treaties.  Institute for the Development of Indian Law and Cook Christian Training School.  “Treaty Rights Workshop:  L’Anse Chippewa Treaty 1842.”  Mimeographed copy at Northern Michigan University Olson Library.  N.d.  p8.

[18] U.P. Indian Treaties.  Institute for the Development of Indian Law and Cook Christian Training School.  “Treaty Rights Workshop:  L’Anse Chippewa Treaty 1842.”  Mimeographed copy at Northern Michigan University Olson Library.  N.d.  p8.

[19] Ignatia Broker.  Night Flying Woman.  St. Paul, MN:  Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1983.  72.

[20] Most estimates place the amount of pre-colonial forest remaining in Michigan and Wisconsin at around 1%.  Dickmann and Leefers write that by 1926, after less than 100 years of colonization in Michigan, only 7% of the original forest was left, most of that in the Upper Peninsula.  They add “most of that has since been cut.”  Donald I. Dickmann and Larry A. Leefers.  The Forests of Michigan.  Ann Arbor, MI:  University of Michigan Press, 2016.  p173.

[21] Theodore J. Karamanski.  Deep Woods Frontier:  A History of Logging of Michigan.  Detroit, MI:  Wayne State University, 1989. 101.

[22] This is not intended as a promotion of violent protest but rather simply referencing histories that are all too often ignored.

[23] Barry M. Casper and Paul David Wellstone.  Powerline:  The First Battle of America’s Energy War.  Amherst:  University of Massachusetts Press, 1981.  p44.

[24] Rural Resistance Network.  http://ruralresistancenetwork.wordpress.com..  2019.

[25] Rural Resistance Network.  http://ruralresistancenetwork.wordpress.com..  2019.

[26] See the film Planet of the Humans by Jeff Gibbs and Michael Moore for a deeper discussion of this issue.

[27] Qtd. in Satz, Ronald N.  “Chippewa treaty rights : the reserved rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in historical perspective.” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters.  Vol. 79, No. 1.  p39. <http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/WI/WI-idx?type=div&did=WI.WT199101.i0012&isize=text>

[28]John Bodley.  Victims of Progress.  6th edition.  Lanham, MD:  Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.  p148-151.

[29] James Kates.  Planning a Wilderness:  Regenerating the Great Lakes Cutover Region.  Minneapolis:  University of Minnesota Press, 2001.  p158.

[30] Qtd. in James Kates.  Planning a Wilderness:  Regenerating the Great Lakes Cutover Region.  Minneapolis:  University of Minnesota Press, 2001. p48.

[31] For a more thorough discussion of this issue, see my article “Listening to the Trees:  Traditional Knowledge and Industrial Society in the American Northwoods” originally published in Honor the Earth:  Indigenous Response to Environmental Degradation and Beyond.  Ed. Phil Bellfy.  Now available at  https://voiceforthewild.wordpress.com/2019/10/28/listening-to-the-trees/

[32] Ignatia Broker.  Night Flying Woman.  St. Paul, MN:  Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1983.  p117.

[33]For a more thorough discussion of this issue, see my article “Listening to the Trees:  Traditional Knowledge and Industrial Society in the American Northwoods” originally published in Honor the Earth:  Indigenous Response to Environmental Degradation and Beyond.  Ed. Phil Bellfy.  Now available at  https://voiceforthewild.wordpress.com/2019/10/28/listening-to-the-trees/

[34] Derrick Jensen.  The Myth of Human Supremacy.  NY:  Seven Stories Press, 2016.

[35] Brian Larsen.  “Grand Portage replies to Draft Environmental Impact Statement on reintroduction of wolves to Isle Royale.”  April 1, 2017.  Cook County News Herald.  < http://www.cookcountynews-herald.com/articles/grand-portage-replies-to-draft-environmental-impact-statement-on-reintroduction-of-wolves-to-isle-royale/>.

[36] White Earth Land Recovery Project.  http://www.welrp.org.

[37] Joseph Bruchac.  The Dark Pond.  NY:  HarperCollins, 2004.

[38] John Bodley.  Victims of Progress.  6th edition.  Lanham, MD:  Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.  p19.

Republished with permission from the author

Yellowstone Area Grizzlies Regain Endangered Species Protection

Yellowstone Area Grizzlies Regain Endangered Species Protection

Featured image: A grizzly bear in Yellowstone National Park. Jim Peaco / National Park Service

     by Ecowatch

A federal judge restored endangered species protections for grizzly bears in and around Yellowstone National Park on Monday, The Huffington Post reported, putting a permanent halt to plans by Wyoming and Idaho to launch the first Yellowstone-area grizzly hunt in four decades.

U.S. District Judge Dana Christensen had already placed a temporary restraining order on the hunts, which would have started Sept. 1 and allowed for the killing of up to 23 bears, while he considered the larger question of whether Endangered Species Act protections should be restored. The bears’ management will now return to the federal government.

Christensen wrote in his ruling that his decision was “not about the ethics of hunting.” Rather, he agreed with environmental and tribal groups that the Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) had not considered the genetic health of other lower-48 grizzly populations when it delisted the Yellowstone area bears in 2017.

“By delisting the Greater Yellowstone grizzly without analyzing how delisting would affect the remaining members of the lower-48 grizzly designation, the Service failed to consider how reduced protections in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem would impact the other grizzly populations,” Christensen wrote, according to The Huffington Post. “Thus, the Service ‘entirely failed to consider an important aspect of the problem.'”

Bear advocates said the Yellowstone population was growing large enough to merge with other populations, which would be a win-win for the genetic diversity of all bears involved.

“The Service appropriately recognized that the population’s genetic health is a significant factor demanding consideration,” Christensen wrote. “However, it misread the scientific studies it relied upon, failing to recognize that all evidence suggests that the long-term viability of the Greater Yellowstone grizzly is far less certain absent new genetic material.”

Native American and environmental groups applauded the decision.

“We have a responsibility to speak for the bears, who cannot speak for themselves,” Northern Cheyenne Nation President Lawrence Killsback said in a statement Monday reported by The Huffington Post. “Today we celebrate this victory and will continue to advocate on behalf of the Yellowstone grizzly bears until the population is recovered, including within the Tribe’s ancestral homeland in Montana and other states.”

The FWS told The Washington Post it was reviewing the ruling.

“We stand behind our finding that the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem grizzly bear is biologically recovered and no longer requires protection. . . . Our determination was based on our rigorous interpretation of the law and is supported by the best available science and a comprehensive conservation strategy developed with our federal, state, and tribal partners,” the FWS told The Washington Post.

The FWS first attempted to delist the bears in 2007, but that move was also blocked in federal court over concerns that one of the bears’ food sources, whitebark pine seeds, were threatened by climate change.

In its 2017 ruling, the FWS said that it had reviewed the case and found the decline of the whitebark pine seeds did not pose a major threat.

Grizzlies in the lower 48 states were first listed as endangered in 1975, when their historic range had been reduced by 98 percent.

The Yellowstone grizzlies numbered fewer than 140 at the time. The population has since rebounded to about 700, according to The Washington Post.

Update from the Field: Largest Buffalo Safe Zone Sold, Zinke Aims to Drive Down Buffalo Population

Update from the Field: Largest Buffalo Safe Zone Sold, Zinke Aims to Drive Down Buffalo Population

Buffalo Safe Zone Sold

     by Buffalo Field Campaign

Montana’s largest Buffalo Safe Zone has been sold. The former Galanis property, about 700 acres of lush green grass and rolling hills, was recently bought, and while we don’t know exactly how the new owners feel about the buffalo, the large “Bison Safe Zone” sign has been removed. The caretaker has contacted us to say that we are no longer welcome there, and we fear that this may mean the same for the buffalo. This is *critical* habitat that the buffalo from the imperiled Central herd use winter and spring, one place they are safe from any harm, and they are devoted to this land which is part of their calving grounds. The Galanis family — incredible champions of the buffalo — are devastated that they have had to let this land go. It’s a heavy blow to all of us. But, we still don’t know for sure how things may or may not change. Perhaps the new owners will understand the tremendous support and fierce loyalty the buffalo have from all the surrounding neighbors and others throughout the West Yellowstone community, and keep things as they are.

Wenk Forced out by Secretary of Interior Zinke

On the federal level, Yellowstone’s superintendent, Dan Wenk, has been ousted by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. Though wrongfully touted by some “green” groups as a “bison protector”, Wenk had, apparently, been in dispute with Zinke over the number of wild buffalo — the country’s national mammal — who should exist in the Park. The controversial Interagency Bison Management Plan, crafted in the interests of ranchers, places a political cap of 3,000 on the buffalo population. A number not supported by science, ecology, or any form of logic. Yellowstone National Park alone can sustain upwards of 6,500 buffalo, while the surrounding lands of the Greater Yellowstone country could support at least 20,000. For a population who once existed in the tens of millions, this is still a minuscule population size. Yet, Zinke — a Montana cattleman — wants to drive the endangered population down to a mere 2,000.

Zinke, a corrupt Trump appointee, is a known enemy of the earth, a strong champion of industry and corporations who has oil & gas, timber, mining, and ranching advocates salivating. It’s no surprise that, being from Montana, his attention would turn to the wild buffalo of Yellowstone with an aim to cause them greater harm.

For nearly 30 years Park Superintendents have played a lead role in slaughtering buffalo inside Yellowstone National Park. Some have expressed regret, like Mike Finley. Wenk is just the most recent of several superintendents behind the National Park Service’s ongoing slaughter of our last wild buffalo.

That being said, the reality is, Wenk has hardly been a champion of the buffalo. Thousands of the country’s last wild buffalo — the beloved Yellowstone herds — have been shipped to slaughter from within Yellowstone, brutally treated, hazed, domesticated, and otherwise harmed with Wenk standing as Yellowstone’s superintendent. For all the years he’s been in office, he has bent over backwards to serve Montana’s livestock industry, destroying imperiled wild buffalo. It has only been in recent months — after Yellowstone’s trap was attacked four times — and public pressure against the buffalo slaughter has been mounting — that he has started to come out advocating for wild buffalo to be managed as wildlife, and that the livestock industry should not be the ones to dictate how buffalo live or die.

Too little, too late. Actions speak much louder than words, and Wenk’s hands are covered in buffalo blood no different than Zinke’s aim to be. Not only that, but a 50-year wild buffalo domestication / commercialization program has been approved under Wenk’s “protective” leadership, which has already resulted in dozens of buffalo being slaughtered or confined for life.

Will it be worse without him as Superintendent? We simply need to grasp that this whole system is broken and we must stand in solidarity and fight back harder. Zinke has made it clear that the war against the country’s last wild buffalo — our national mammal — is escalating. With our sites aimed straight and true, we stand up even stronger for the wild.