This episode of Muse Ecology is a terrific podcast with interviews with members of the People of Red Mountain, local community members, campers at Thacker Pass, and other supporters of Protect Thacker Pass.
In this episode in the Water, Life, Climate, and Civilization series, we hear diverse voices from the resistance to the proposed lithium mine at Thacker Pass in northern Nevada, on Paiute and Shoshone ancestral lands.
Editor’s note: We believe that the UN are an elitist organization and more part of the problem than offering vital solutions. Ecological restoration however will become much more important in the near future, and learning from indigenous peoples and their ways to connect to their landbases may be our only chance of survival.
“Today let’s start a new decade, one in which we finally make peace with nature and secure a better future for all” declared António Gutteres, the UN Secretary General, on June 5 during the virtual opening event of the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration. With environmental degradation already affecting almost half of humanity, and with every major scientific body declaring the next 10 years are critical to confront the climate crises, the urgency to restore the health of our landscapes has never been greater. Having worked professionally as an ecological restoration planner in my home state of New Mexico for 13 years, I sat eagerly at the edge of my seat to learn from my global community of practice.
We learned about restoration efforts around the world that involved massive community efforts, such as the million-tree initiative in Pakistan and the ambitious project called Green Wall of Africa. Touted as the “largest human-made living “structure” on earth”, this ecofriendly wall, we are told, will contain the sand dunes of the Sahara and support local livelihoods. Although containing the Sahara desert with any wall seems questionable, or that building another wall, even the green kind, seems like the last thing us humans need to do, at least there is a clear mandate that restoration has to collaborate with and support the local indigenous communities.
Several weeks after the UN event, on June 21st, Dr. Robin Kimmerer, the well-known Potawatomi restoration ecologist, gave a deeper perspective on this mandate to work with indigenous communities during the opening plenary talk of the 9th World Conference of the Society of Ecological Restoration: “This idea of mutual healing, of cultures and land, is the practice under the really big idea of how do we enact land justice. Justice for the more-than-human beings, justice for the people who are so often dispossessed from their homelands, to return people and their practices to the land as part of that sacred moral responsibility to care for the land.” The most challenging and crucial aspect of my own restoration work is reviving these cultural practices and relationships with the land.
The mentioning of ‘culture’, however, was surprisingly absent from the televised UN event. This glaring omission, however, became ridiculously blinding during the finale world premier music video by Ty Dolla and Don Diablo called “Too Much to Ask” tailored to appeal to the #generation restoration. None of what I am about to explain was provided to the viewer. The music video contained high-quality panoramic footage taken by drone showing hundreds of Maasai people in Kenya, spread out over hundreds of acres of barren red land, constructing half-moon shaped structures called bunds, about 15-feet long with shovels, hoes and lots of sweat. Thanks to this earth-shaping community work, which saved water and fertile top-soil from being washed away after a storm, the barren land became covered with vegetation. Importantly, this community bund-making event is one of many old cultural practices across Africa to harvest rainwater, promote plant growth, and take care of the land. While there was hardly a peep about cultural practices on the land, it was all over the music video! There is a tendency to describe restoration work as a ‘new relationship’ to nature, as based on a ‘very young’ science, but actually, it is a very old human relationship to the land, a very old community-based science, albeit maybe a forgotten one.
Stimulated by the climate crises, examples of this old land-human relationship are popping up everywhere. Just beneath the cloud-piercing mountains surrounding Lima, Peru, about a hundred communities are removing 500-years worth of mud and rock that have filled in a network of stone ditches constructed during the Incan civilization and abandoned after the arrival of the Spanish. This network of ditches, known as amuna in Quechua, are designed to harvest and store rainwater underground so that water is available during dry periods. Just reviving 10 miles of the amuna, a small sample of the existing infrastructure, the nearby communities are already seeing more water flowing out of their domestic wells regardless of the changing climate. Since reviving these ancient cultural infrastructures, more crops are planted and more families are able to maintain good hygiene during the pandemic.
Along the northwest coast of North America, from Alaska to Washington State, various researchers, academics, and resource managers have teamed up with Canada’s First Nations communities to learn how to sustainably grow clams using an old ocean gardening technique. These clam gardens, which First Nation communities have been building and managing for longer than five thousand years, involves constructing rock terraces along the shoreline when the ocean is at low-tide. Not surprisingly, a slew of scientific studies have proven that clam gardens work, with one study showing the growth of several clam species improved by 151% to 300%. In a time of plummeting fisheries and shellfish production worldwide, these clam gardens stick out as a shining star, shedding light on the importance of knowing history and culture when it comes to cultivating food from the ocean. Another amazing example of cultivating food along the edge of the ocean comes from Hawaii, where applying old indigenous land management practices at the He‘eia National Estuarine Research Reserve has recently shown to not only increase food for both people and animals, but has also brought back endangered shorebirds that even the oldest of elders have never seen before.
Then there is the example of indigenous fire, which has rightfully received lots of press lately. Indigenous fire, sometime called cultural fire, are some of the oldest land management practices common to almost every ethnic group on every continent. Yet only when faced with the threat of megafires these last couple of years do forest-managing agencies finally want to listen and learn from indigenous people. Every forest on earth vulnerable to catastrophic fire can trace its start date to when colonization dispossessed the original peoples from the land. “We are fortunate here”, says Marianne Ignace who has been reviving cultural fire practices on their traditional territory of the Secwepemc Nation in British Columbia, “that some of that [cultural fire] knowledge still exists in the older generations although it has been undermined and outlawed for over a hundred years.” These cultural fires have brought back important plants not seen since indigenous culture was outlawed. All this is taking place not far from where the remains of 215 children were recently found buried next to the old Kamloops Indian Residential School. The horrors and pain of genocide, and the beauty and resilience of culture, remind us how connected it all is: restoring justice, healing, and the land.
Another example comes from my home state of New Mexico. As hotter temperatures melt the mountain snow much earlier than before, the nourishing waters are passing by the farmlands before the farmer has even planted. Consequently, Federal land agencies are in discussions right now with local farming organizations to build micro-dams or mini-reservoirs in order to capture this water in the mountains for when the farming is ready. In turns out, this same idea and concept was practiced by New Mexico’s Pueblo communities for millennium. They built water harvesting structures and ancient gardens out of local rock and earth almost everywhere water could be collected, “inviting the rain to stay” as one scholar put it. Through people power, the Pueblo communities created wetlands in the desert, and even grew water-loving crops like cotton in places that today’s experts emphatically say would be impossible.
When you put these examples of cultural revival, land restoration, and community healing together, it shows us that restoration is not so much about “finally making peace with nature”, as it is about finally making peace with our cultural past. As my mentor would say we are living in a time when “all the old is new again”.
The global call to heal the earth’s wounds is a powerful moment of cultural recognition for everyone. As Dr. Kimmerer explained, every person is indigenous to some place, and every place is the homeland to someone. Especially for indigenous communities across the continents of Africa, Asia, and the Americas, whom for generations have been denied their rightful place at the table of humanity, it is a time of reconciliation and of pride, where their cultural practices are recognized as a means to heal a wounded earth and a wounded people. As the young poet, Jordan Sanchez, said during the UN conference, “resilience, we stand on our own two feet, I’ll tell you, reimagining the future has never tasted so sweet…The promise of restoration lives within us”. It does indeed.
The Congolese government has officially recognized community ownership of a conservation area linking two national parks in the Democratic Republic of Congo, giving hope for the survival of the Grauer’s gorilla, a critically endangered species.
The gorilla, found only in DRC, faces threats from habitat loss, poaching for bushmeat, and the effects of lingering civil unrest in the region.
The Nkuba Conservation Area is co-managed by local communities and the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund, with the latter providing jobs and training initiatives for women.
The years-long effort to develop the conservation area and now to maintain it points to the importance of engaging local communities in conservation.
In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), critically endangered Grauer’s gorillas (Gorilla beringei graueri) share their forest home with rural communities – which could help save their shrinking populations and habitat.
The DRC government officially recognized community ownership of three forest concessions, which combined are called the Nkuba Conservation Area, in April. The 1,580-square-kilometer (610-square-mile) patch of protected area, about twice the size of New York City, is situated between the Maiko and Kahuzi-Biéga national parks.
The formal recognition of Nkuba Conservation Area represents a win for community rights and conservation both, increasing the area of community-owned forests in the Walikale territory by more than 70%, according to the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund, a non-profit that has worked with local leaders since 2012 to secure the area, a biodiversity hotspot, for protection.
Under the DRC legal framework implemented in 2016, each community-managed forest concession can be no larger than 50,000 hectares, amounting to the three concessions that form Nkuba Conservation Area. While the official land titles are not designated as conservation sites, the communities at Nkuba have entered a 25-year agreement to co-manage the area for conservation with the Fossey fund, which is responsible for the management plan and management decisions with approval from a union representing the communities.
In exchange for protecting gorillas by not hunting them and alerting authorities of poaching activity, the fund’s leadership say they provide education, jobs and conservation training to locals to aid protection efforts for the Grauer’s gorilla and other threatened species that live in the forests.
Now that locals own the forest concessions for themselves, they have a better incentive for protecting them and recognize their value, Tara Stoinski, CEO and chief science officer of the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund, told Mongabay.
“They’re using them [forest concessions] in a way that’s sustainable for them in the long term and for wildlife in the long term,” she said.
Safeguarding the Grauer’s gorilla
Nkuba’s strategic location acts as a haven for some of DRC’s most threatened and rarest species, including the Grauer’s gorilla, which is only found in eastern DRC. The species, also called the eastern lowland gorilla, faces poaching; habitat loss from widespread deforestation; and the effects of civil unrest from armed rebel groups fueling illegal mining operations, Stoinski explained.
Scientists estimate close to 17,000 Grauer’s gorillas existed in the wild prior to the civil war in DRC in the mid-1990s. Now, only 6,800 remain in the wild, according to the most recent estimates.
“They’re found nowhere else on the planet, so conserving them here is the only way to ensure that the species survives,” Stoinski said.
Researchers at the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund estimate about 200 individuals live within Nkuba, but the majority of Grauer’s gorillas — an estimated 75% — live outside of protected areas. Nkuba makes up about 10% of the gorilla’s total habitat in DRC, said Urbain Ngobobo, the Congo programs director for the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund. Research indicates that the greatest number of Grauer’s gorillas live in the Oku community forests, located near Kahuzi-Biega National Park.
As ecosystem engineers, gorillas help keep the entire ecosystem healthy. They play a vital role in seed dispersal by eating fruits and seeds that they defecate throughout the forest, and they clear paths for other animals, Stoinski said.
If they go extinct, so too might other wild animals and tree species in the area, Ngobobo added, so protecting gorilla habitat also ensures the protection of other wildlife.
Recent studies show that Grauer’s gorilla populations have suffered decreased genetic diversity from habitat fragmentation, making Nkuba’s role as a wildlife corridor between the two national parks crucial. A 2018 study found that Nkuba’s Grauer’s gorillas, a centrally located population, were more genetically diverse than populations living at the edges of its habitat range, bolstering the importance of Nkuba for forest connectivity.
“It’s playing the role of an ecological corridor, ensuring connectivity, allowing wildlife [to move] from one point to another point,” Ngobobo said.
Habitat fragmentation occurs when contiguous habitat, such as a forest, is sliced into smaller patches of habitat, often due to human activities like deforestation for logging operations or oil palm plantations. Animals living within those patches are thus reduced to a smaller area of suitable habitat, which can threaten those populations’ survival and decrease genetic diversity by restricting the number of potential mates.
“You don’t want these island populations, if you can help it,” Stoinski said. “One disaster could have a significant effect, so maintaining connectivity is really important.”
Seven globally threatened mammal species are protected within Nkuba Conservation Area’s borders. Red circles indicate its IUCN-designated conservation status as vulnerable (VU), endangered (EN) or critically endangered (CE). Images by (clockwise from top left) Canva, Nik Borrow via Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0), Bart Wurston via Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0), Mulhouseville via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0), Laila Bahaa-el-din/ Panthera, Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund, David Brossard via Flickr (CC BYe-SA 2.0.). Graphic by Marlowe Starling using Canva.
Biodiversity at stake in the Congo Basin
Central Africa’s Congo Basin, the second largest tropical rainforest in the world, stretches across an area of 3.7 million km2 (1.4 million mi2). The rainforest is home to a rich diversity of endemic and endangered species, from the charismatic mountain gorillas (Gorilla beringei beringei) that U.S. primatologist Dian Fossey studied in Rwanda, to more than 600 tree species that play a critical role as one of the Earth’s largest carbon sinks.
But in recent years, scientists have warned that the ability of Africa’s forests to store carbon is projected to decline due to deforestation and climate change. Satellite data show that deforestation is now occurring at higher rates than before in northern DRC.
The Congo Basin receives a smaller share of forest conservation funding than the Amazon or forests in Southeast Asia, according to the Central African Forestry Commission. Stoinsiki said more funding is needed in Central Africa to protect the forest ecosystems people depend on.
“Ultimately, the health of these forests depend[s] on intact ecosystems,” Stoinski said. “Then we, in turn, depend on these ecosystems to keep our planet intact.”
Although climate change does threaten species living in tropical rainforests, biodiversity in the Congo Basin is mostly threatened by human activities and the direct killing of wildlife.
“Behind all poaching activities is a business,” said Dominique Endamana, the IUCN Regional Forest Program for Central and West Africa officer, in an interview with Mongabay. “People kill for money. People kill for [eating].”
For example, elephants no longer live in the area because they were poached to extinction for ivory. That’s a fate the Fossey fund is working to help the Grauer’s gorillas avoid.
Mining sites are a main cause of deforestation and poaching in eastern DRC, where the critically endangered Grauer’s gorilla lives mostly outside of protected areas. Image by Marlowe Starling/Mongabay.
Working with communities to champion conservation
Prior to the civil war, people depended on agriculture and small business for their livelihoods, Ngobobo told Mongabay in an email. But rampant violence left communities in eastern DRC in acute poverty, Endamana said, forcing them to hunt for bushmeat or work for environmentally damaging mining operations that harvest minerals used to make electronics sold in the Global North.
Rebel groups in mineral-rich DRC control artisanal mines and often poach gorillas for their high volumes of meat. Ngobobo said he and his team were kidnapped four times by rebel groups. Each time, however, locals living at Nkuba negotiated for their release, which he said was a sign of local support for their conservation work.
Plus, widespread food insecurity in the area caused locals to overexploit forest resources like medicinal plants and hunt for bushmeat, which Stoinski said was the greatest cause of wildlife decline.
Now that communities own the forests for themselves, they have a better incentive to protect them, motivated by the steady employment, health care, payment of school fees and improved living conditions the Fossey fund provides, Ngobobo said. He added that locals now alert Fossey fund staff when they notice a suspected poacher roaming their forest.
“Ultimately, for conservation to work, people need to be invested in it,” Stoinski said.
The charity has employed 70 full-time staff members from the local community at Nkuba and hires about 250 part-time employees every month, according to Stoinski. Survey teams conduct field work for gorilla research, unarmed rangers patrol the forests for signs of poachers, and several ex-poachers are also employed as Fossey Fund staff.
But establishing Nkuba as a community-managed forest wasn’t a simple process, and convincing people who earned income from mining to switch to conservation wasn’t easy, Ngobobo said.
“Mining offered direct benefits while people felt that without tourism, there was no other material benefit to be gained from conservation,” Ngobobo said in an email.
For example, elephants no longer live in the area because they were poached to extinction for ivory. That’s a fate the Fossey fund is working to help the Grauer’s gorillas avoid.
In addition to initial community pushback, it is legally difficult to obtain a community concession, so support from an NGO, such as the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund, can help communities navigate the process.
Fossey Fund leadership says that its training and conservation programs have helped alleviate those pressures by providing an alternative source of income and focusing on sustainable harvesting techniques. For example, some community members are analyzing Grauer’s gorilla fecal samples to find out what kind of food they eat. Gorilla diets can provide clues to what types of wild fruits are edible, so cultivating those seeds in the community eliminates the need for harvesting fruit and other non-timber forest products in gorilla habitat, according to the Fossey fund.
Forest-dependent communities play a critical role in addressing climate change, say researchers at Human Rights Watch, who make the argument for placing such communities at the center of climate policies.
Similarly, Endamana warned against scientists like himself ignoring the needs, knowledge and values of local and Indigenous communities when making management decisions.
“We can’t talk [about] conservation without local communities,” Endamana said. “It’s impossible. We can’t conserve without them.”
Through educational programs, the Fossey fund is now training the next generation of conservationists, Ngobobo said, supporting 240 students. More young people than before, including women, are earning high school diplomas and attending college, he added.
“We’re very excited for Nkuba to be a field site where young Congolese biologists can come and do their master’s thesis, or their Ph.D., or just get a better understanding of the biodiversity that’s in their backyard,” Stoinski said.
As climate change and extractive activities continue to place pressure on Central Africa’s dense and biodiverse forests, scientists stress the need for continuous action and more community-managed protected areas like Nkuba.
“Me, as Congolese, I think it’s my responsibility to give my life, to give my knowledge, to give my energy, to give my time to protecting [gorillas],” Ngobobo said. “We need to act now. Now, and not later.”
Citations:
Baas, P., Van der Valk, T., Vigilant, L., Ngobobo, U., Binyinyi, E., Nishuli, R., … Guschanski, K. (2018). Population-level assessment of genetic diversity and habitat fragmentation in critically endangered Grauer’s gorillas. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 165(3), 565-575. doi:10.1002/ajpa.23393
Hubau, W., Lewis, S. L., Phillips, O. L., Affum-Baffoe, K., Beeckman, H., Cuní-Sanchez, A., … Zemagho, L. (2020). Asynchronous carbon sink saturation in African and Amazonian tropical forests. Nature, 579(7797), 80-87. doi:10.1038/s41586-020-2035-0
Nnoko-Mewanu, J., Téllez-Chávez, L., & Rall, K. (2021). Protect rights and advance gender equality to mitigate climate change. Nature Climate Change, 11(5), 368-370. doi:10.1038/s41558-021-01043-4
Plumptre, A. J., Kirkby, A., Spira, C., Kivono, J., Mitamba, G., Ngoy, E., … Kujirakwinja, D. (2021). Changes in Grauer’s gorilla ( gorilla beringei graueri ) and other primate populations in the kahuzi‐biega National Park and Oku community reserve, the heart of Grauer’s gorilla global range. American Journal of Primatology. doi:10.1002/ajp.23288
Plumptre, A. J., Nixon, S., Kujirakwinja, D. K., Vieilledent, G., Critchlow, R., Williamson, E. A., … Hall, J. S. (2016). Catastrophic decline of world’s largest primate: 80% loss of Grauer’s gorilla (Gorilla beringei graueri) population justifies critically endangered status. PLOS ONE, 11(10), e0162697. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0162697
Réjou-Méchain, M., Mortier, F., Bastin, J., Cornu, G., Barbier, N., Bayol, N., … Gourlet-Fleury, S. (2021). Unveiling African rainforest composition and vulnerability to global change. Nature, 593(7857), 90-94. doi:Scientific Reports, 8(1). doi:10.1038/s41598-018-24497-7
Walters, G., Sayer, J., Boedhihartono, A. K., Endamana, D., & Angu Angu, K. (2021). Integrating landscape ecology into landscape practice in central African rainforests. Landscape Ecology. doi:10.1007/s10980-021-01237-3
Social movements are important because when collective action spreads across an entire society it leads to a cycle of protest. When such a cycle is organised around opposed or multiple classes or interest groups then this can lead to revolutions [1]. This is simplistic as there are many causes and factors that lead to revolutions, which I’ll attempt to unpack in future posts. This post will focus on describing the characteristics of social movements to frame a future post listing the history of social movements in Britain.
Defining social movements
Many have defined social movements and their characteristics. Here is a consolidated list of those characteristics:
social movements are extremely varied: “historically and cross-culturally, and include movements campaigning for various ‘rights’ (civil, labour, women’s, gay, disability, children and so on); movements campaigning on behalf of the environment, peace, or animals; movements seeking specific political reforms or diffuse cultural and personal change; and movements contesting globalization, corporations, and capitalist social relations.” [2]
social movements are collective/organised enterprises for social change, rather than individual efforts at social change. Some have created formal organizations, others have relied on informal networks, and others have engaged in more spontaneous actions such as riots.
Social movements exist over a ‘period of time’ rather than being ‘one-off’ events- movements follow a temporal trajectory so ‘move’ or change. They might be viewed as temporary from a longer-term perspective.
Social movements challenge ‘the status quo’ – elites, authorities, and opponents. They challenge or defend the existing authority by engaging in a ‘conflictual issue’ with a ‘powerful opponent’. Social movements are typically resisted by forces that favour the status quo, which imparts fundamental contentiousness to movement actions.
Social movements use varied tactics – choose between violent and nonviolent activities, illegal and legal ones, disruption and persuasion, extremism and moderation, reform and revolution.
Social movements use protest – Social movements actively pursue change by employing protest.
Social movements are a source of creativity and create identities, ideas, and ideals – members of a social movement are not just working together, but share a ‘collective identity’.
Social movements occupy public spaces and the public sphere/debate. Social movements are unique because they are guided purposively and strategically by the people who join them.
Social movements mostly operate outside established political and institutional channels.
Social movements, big and small, move history along, sometimes in significant ways. [3]
When did social movements first appear?
Charles Tilly describes in Social Movements 1768-2012 that popular risings in one form or another have been happening for thousands of years. He argues that in the eighteenth century something changed so that social movements in the form we understand them were first created, including leadership, members and resources. For Tilly social movements emerged from an innovative combination of three elements:
a campaign “a sustained, organized public effort making collective claims on target authorities”
social movement repertoire “employment of combinations from among the following forms of political action: creation of special-purpose associations and coalitions, public meetings, solemn processions, vigils, rallies, demonstrations, petition drives, statements to and in public media, and pamphleteering”
WUNC displays “‘participants’ concerted public representations of WUNC: worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment on the part of themselves and/or their constituencies” [4]
Defining British social movement since 1945
There have been two books written about post-war social movements in Britain. They both define social movements for the recent British context so I’ve included their definitions.
In British Social Movements since 1945, Adam Lent describes a more focused concept of British social movements “by post-war social movements I am referring to those grassroots mobilisations which were initiated outside of the established structures and values of the existing polity and which formed around the politics of six key issues and/or social groups: gender and women, sexuality and homosexuals, disability and the disabled, race and the ethnic communities, the pursuit of peace, and the defence of the environment. This is a definition rooted deeply in the historical specificity of post-war British movements.” [5]
The second book is Social Movements in Britain by Paul Byrne. He notes the main characteristics of social movements to be:
Values and identity – people join social movements because they are committed to certain values and are making a statement about themselves.
Structure – social movements are not formally organisations like political parties but are instead ‘networks of interaction’ with political goals.
Outsiders – social movements challenge the existing order and way of doing things.
Tactics – social movements engage in some action outside of the institutional or legal channels of political institutions.
Protest campaigns and social movements – protests do not represent a movement if it does not seek to gain support across the whole of society or even internationally. Social movements aim for societal change, not local change. [6]
Social movements, dynamics of contention and collective action
McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly argue in Dynamics of Contention that different forms of contention result from similar mechanisms and processes in society. The different forms of contention that they list include social movements, revolutions, industrial conflict/strike waves, nationalism, democratisation, war, and interest group politics. McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly define contentious politics to be “episodic, public, collective interaction among makers of claims and their objects when (a) at least one government is a claimant, an object of claims, or a party to the claim and (b) the claims would, if realized, affect the interest of at least one of the claimants.” [7]
Other important forms of contention are insurrections, rebellions, revolts, riots, and uprisings. Sometimes they are part of social movements and sometimes not. I will explore these in future posts.
Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani defines collective action as “individuals sharing resources in pursuit of collective goals – i.e., goals that cannot be privatized to any of the members of the collectivity on behalf of which collective action has taken place. Such goals may be produced within movements, but also in many contexts that normally are not associated with movements.” [8] Donatella Della Porta includes social movements, political parties, voluntary organisation, interest groups and religious sects, as collective action. [9] Herbert Blumer identified four forms of collective behaviour: crowds, the public, the mass, and social movements
The structure of social movements
In What is a Social Movement? Hank Johnston explains that there are two basic ways of thinking about how social movements are structured. First, social movements are made up of organisations and groups that integrate people in varying amounts of participation and mobilise them to act. These groups and organisations are large or small, disruptive or engage with political institutions, grassroots or centralised. Second, the complexity of social movements means they are interconnected network structures. The network binds the components (individuals, organisations, groups) together resulting in an overall cohesion. [10]
Charles Tilly makes a useful point that social movement analyists make a common mistake of confusing a movements collective action – the campaigns in which it engages – with the organisations and networks that support the action. Or even simply considering that organisations and networks are the movement. [11] I think its both, the activities (actions, protests, marches/demonstrations, and campaigns) and the structures (organisations, groups, some political parties, and movements of movements).
I was diagnosed with cancer when I was 21. Scientifically, the odds were that I would die. They could have rolled me aside and let it happen, but doctors and loved ones did what they could to keep me alive. They tried to save my life even though they did not know if it would work.
The Earth is suffering. She does not want her rivers poisoned and dammed, her mountains blown up and mined, or her ecosystems and biodiversity destroyed. If she received the same care as me, perhaps we could stop the harm. Efforts to help show care and respect, whatever tomorrow brings.
When I have been abused, the most painful part is when no one sees it. Dismissing the harm that is happening to the Earth makes us complicit, even if particular philosophies seem to justify it (Doctrine of Discovery, Manifest Destiny, the American Dream, Gaia theory, the Sixth Mass Extinction, “it’s already too late”).
If your child or lover were drowning or trapped in a burning house, you would try to save them. If it’s a reflex to save our endangered loved ones, why can’t we develop an auto-response to save bears, prairie dogs, mountain lions, horses, and forests?
To belittle or discourage those who work to save the last remaining species and wild places seems like a betrayal of the Earth and those on the front-lines, the majority of whom are indigenous peoples (whose on-going genocide feeds the destruction of the planet).
Social psychology reveals that individuals commonly find ways to ignore those being harmed and consciously or unconsciously align with those in power, because it is safer.
Humans have imagination, soul, and agency. We can listen to the Earth, not only for our own re-wilding, but for what species, land, and ecosystems need too.
Rivers, forests, and oceans can be restored. Once they are, the climate dramatically improves. Perhaps humans can stop those destroying the biosphere and the last remaining species and lands. Why not support those who try?
Visit a clear-cut forest, plowed prairie, or concreted wetland. Ask them what they need. Ask the squirrels, rabbits, owls, and blue jays who live once lived there. Ask the bears in Asia, tortured for their bile, if their suffering is Gaia’s plan. Ask wild buffalo or horses routinely slaughtered, if people should stop helping them because it’s too late. Ask the last remaining birds, orcas, polar bears, fish, rhinos.
“Please help us,” they tell me. Don’t take my word for it. Go ask them yourself. The narratives and people that inspire me most are the ones that make listening, honoring, and keeping alive these voices central.
“However, justice for Berta will never be truly complete until everyone who took part in the crime, including those who planned it, is brought to justice.”
Human rights advocates on Monday welcomed the conviction of Roberto David Castillo Mejía, a Honduran businessman and former military intelligence officer, for the March 2016 assassination of Indigenous environmental activist Berta Cáceres, while calling on authorities in the Central American nation to bring everyone involved in planning the murder to justice.
“Until all those responsible are held accountable, other human rights defenders in Honduras will continue to lose their lives.”
—Erika Guevara-Rosas, Amnesty International
The Guardianreports the Tegucigalpa high court found Castillo—formerly head of the dam company Desarrollos Energéticos, or DESA—guilty of collaborating in Cáceres’ murder. The court ruled that Cáceres was killed for leading the campaign to stop construction of the $50 million Agua Zarca dam, a local grassroots effort which caused delays and monetary losses for DESA.
The environmentally destructive hydroelectric project is located on the Gualcarque River, which is sacred to the Indigenous Lenca people, and was approved despite its failure to comply with Honduran and international environmental requirements.
Cáceres, who was 44 years old when she was murdered, was co-founder and coordinator of the Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), a group dedicated to the defense of the environment in Intibucá and the protection of the Lenca. In 2015 she received the prestigious Goldman Environmental Prize for leading “a grassroots campaign that successfully pressured the world’s largest dam builder to pull out of the Agua Zarca Dam” project at Río Gualcarque.
According to The Guardian:
After a trial that lasted 49 days, the high court… ruled that Castillo used paid informants as well as his military contacts and skills to monitor Cáceres over years, information which was fed back to the company executives. He coordinated, planned and obtained the money to pay for the assassination of the internationally acclaimed leader, which was carried out by seven men convicted in December 2018.
COPINH hailed Monday’s verdict as “a popular victory for the Honduran people” that “means the criminal power structures failed to corrupt the justice system.”
“Berta lives, the fight continues!” the group tweeted.
Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International, said in a statement that “the long-awaited prosecution of David Castillo, convicted as co-author of the murder of Berta Cáceres, is an important step towards justice and the result of her family and COPINH’s tireless efforts to secure truth, justice, and reparation. However, justice for Berta will never be truly complete until everyone who took part in the crime, including those who planned it, is brought to justice.”
“We urge the prosecutors to keep uncovering the truth,” Guevara-Rosas continued. “Until all those responsible are held accountable, other human rights defenders in Honduras will continue to lose their lives, for raising their voices and defending the most vulnerable. The Honduran authorities must put an end to impunity.”
Noting that Honduras is “the most dangerous country for defenders of land, territory, and the environment,” Guevara-Rosas admonished the Honduran government, which she said “seems to look the other way when human rights defenders are attacked instead of fulfilling its obligation to protect them.”
“Authorities must take this seriously and do whatever is necessary to keep human rights defenders safe from harm, so that a crime like the murder of Berta Cáceres is never repeated,” she added.
A 2019 profile (pdf) of Castillo by five human rights advocacy groups states:
Evidence suggests that the murder of Berta Cáceres was part of a pattern of violence, corruption, intimidation, malicious prosecution, and impunity for violence orchestrated by Castillo and others at DESA, who appear to have functioned as a criminal structure…
Castillo and his associates and employees at DESA enlisted the support of key agencies of the Honduran government, using influence in the Ministry of Security, police, and military and improper influence in the Honduran judiciary, seemingly to advance efforts to intimidate, persecute, and neutralize Berta Cáceres and COPINH’s opposition to the Agua Zarca Hydroelectric Project.
DESA, and representatives it employs, continue to promote the stigmatization of Berta Cáceres, COPINH and Indigenous Lenca villagers in Río Blanco after Cáceres’ murder.
Prior to Castillo’s arrest, eight other men, including Douglas Bustillo and Sergio Rodríguez, both of whom worked with Castillo at DESA corporation, and both graduates of the U.S. Army School of Americas (SOA), were arrested and charged with Cáceres’ murder. Bustillo, Rodríguez, and five other men were convicted of murdering Cáceres in 2018.
A 2017 report (pdf) by international legal experts concluded Cáceres’ murder was not an “isolated incident” and alleged “willful negligence by financial institutions.” The report found that the targeting of Cáceres was part of a “strategy” by DESA employees, private security firms, and public officials “to violate the right to prior, free, and informed consultations of the Lenca.”
“The strategy was to control, neutralize, and eliminate any opposition,” the report said.
Cáceres co-founded COPINH in 1993 and led campaigns against dam building, illegal logging, U.S. military bases on Lenca land, and other environmental and social injustices. Her work became increasingly dangerous following a 2009 coup perpetrated by SOA-trained military officers and backed by the Obama administration, as numerous activists were assassinated, attacked, or threatened for their work.
Shortly before her assassination, Cáceres excoriated former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for her role in the coup.
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